The astonishing vulgarity of Spanish politics and media

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On September 12th, Le Monde wondered why Spanish mass media had hidden the amazing march in Barcelona, the day before. In fact, denying an unconfortable reality is an ordinary practice in Madrid mass media. The worst case: Spanish government and media explained that ETA was the main suspect after Madrid train bombings on the morning of 11 March 2004. Evidence from international media finally provoked a wave of indignation against the liar government and an unexpected political change on Sunday elections (March 14th).

After the September 11th rally in Barcelona, the first Spanish reaction to Catalan movement for independence was denial. The rally was a secondary news, although editorials and opinion articles stressed the need of unity since the aftermath. Spanish parties and institutions unanimously positioned against independence. On September 20th the Spanish Prime Minister officially rejected any tax agreement in a meeting with Catalan president Artur Mas. On September 25th President Mas called for early elections on November 25th. Main interpretation by Spanish media: Mas uses independent movement for his own sake. You can see some Spanish statements about the process in the detailed chronology of events since September 11th.

Two months later, Spanish opinion has not yet changed. These are the main 5 arguments against independence:

1. Denial of Catalonia as a nation, specially abroad. Catalonia has no history. Catalonia has no right to decide
2. Constitutional dogmatism: the Spanish Constitution does not allow a referendum on self-determination
3. Eternal exclusion from European Union: EU will exclude Catalonia and Spain will never allow its return to any international organitzation
4. Fear: more crisis, less jobs, no money for retired people, frontiers
5. Demonization of independentism, as an aggressive, totalitarian, even neonazi, movement.

The pervasive Spanish ideology is fed by a general education system that did not completely break from totalitarian years: children do learn to feel themselves Spaniards, as a kind of monolitic nation, disregarding diversity and minorities. This ideology is also backed by powerful uniform mass media and by influent civil servants in Madrid. A great, free, united Spain becomes a kind of general whishful thinking. There is no public debate. Changing the status quo is not possible, despite the institutional crisis. Questioning this traditional ideology always generates a strong irrational conflict: a sentimental and angry response mixed with a feel of social distress. Understanding Catalan independentism is not politically correct since the Spanish ideology considers any agreement as a surrender

Recognizing the right to decide is a rare position even among Spanish intellectuals: there is not any proposal for strengthening autonomy, protecting Catalan culture or revising Catalonia's fiscal deficit. Maybe we'll see it next week, after elections --too late!

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From the Dutch Revolt

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Many Spanish politicians tell that Spain's history begun in 1469, when the crowns of the Christian kingdoms of Castile and Aragon were united by the marriage of Isabella I of Castile and Ferdinand II of Aragon. In 1492, the combined forces of Castile and Aragon captured the Emirate of Granada, ending the last remnant of a 781-year presence of Islamic rule in Iberia. This marriage led to what would become the Kingdom of Spain under King Philip II, son of Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor. The Crown of Aragon existed until it was abolished by the Nueva Planta decrees issued by King Philip V in 1716 as a consequence of the defeat of Archduke Charles in the War of the Spanish Succession (1714, September 11th).

Spanish politicians argue that Catalonia has no history. So, Catalonia has no right to decide. For instance, the Spanish ambassador to the United Kingdom, Federico Trillo, sent a letter to Financial Times in which he claims that Scotland and Catalonia are very different cases: "Scotland was an independent nation and has been part of the United Kingdom since the Scottish parliament decided freely to join in the 18th century. By contrast, Catalonia was part of the wider Kingdom of Aragon and has been an integral part of Spain since its inception, more than five centuries ago". Last week, the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs ordered his diplomatic offices to start a campaign against independence. It is based on two points: [1] the claim that Spain desires an agreement and [2] the exclusion from European Union of an independent Catalonia.

Let's reduce Trillo's arguments to absurdity:

• In 1469 Ferdinand was King of Aragon, King of Sicily, King of Naples, King of Majorca, King of Valencia, King of Sardinia and King of Navarre, and Count of Barcelona. Be aware, Mr Monti: Sicily, Naples and Sardinia were also Spanish territories more than five centuries ago, and Spain takes care of its unity very seriously.
• So many aristocratic titles! Wasn't Ferdinand also King of Catalonia? No. It never existed a Kingdom of Catalonia, although Catalonia was the very heart of the Crown of Aragon (a confederation of kingdoms that was born in 1137). Ferdinand was Count of Barcelona because the House of Barcelona was the leading dinasty of the Crown for centuries --please, remember a similar case: the House of Plantagenet in England. When the Spanish ambassador denies any right to Catalonia, he seems to be pushing for a wider independence movement. Will Catalonia's independence produce subsequent movements in Majorca, Valencia and Aragon? Trillo is really supporting this bold alternative.
• Is Catalonia a nation, like Scotland? Maybe it is a province, nothing more, despite the massive demonstration in Barcelona on September 11th, and according to Trillo. But... why don't most Catalans speak Spanish and speak Catalan instead, a Romance language like Italian, Portuguese or French? 
• Did Catalonia decide freely to join Spain? Some wars demonstrate quite the contrary. The War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1714) is a nice example.
• Charles V, as grandson of Isabella I of Castile and Ferdinand II of Aragon, inherited even wider possessions. His son, Philip II, as everybody remembers, was the lord of the Seventeen Provinces of the Netherlands... Is the Spanish president thinking endlessly about the bailout only? Would he rather be remembering the old Spanish Empire and Alva, the 'Iron Duke'? Of course, we will not know it because we will not ask Trillo for advice.

Catalonia's struggle for freedom is older than the Spanish ambassador could imagine. I was reading The Dutch Revolt, a book edited by Martin van Gelderen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993, reprinted 2001): "The volume presents five texts which were published in the Low Countries between 1570 and 1590, during the crucial decades of what is nowadays labellled, with understatement, the 'Dutch Revolt'. From 1555 a series of revolutionary events led to the abjuration of Philip II by the States General of the Dutch provinces in 1581 and to the subsequent foundation of the 'Dutch Republic of the Seven United Provinces'" (page vii).

The Dutch Revolt (pages 15-18) provides us with a contemporary testimony about the troubles and calamities of Aragon under Spanish Inquisition five centuries ago, as the first device of Castilian domination over all Spain:

It is now near a hundred years ago since the most noble Ferdinand and Isabel, King and Queen of Castile, having ended their great and long war against the Mohammedans, which had invaded, inhabited and troubled the kingdom of Spain by the space of almost 800 years, and having chased the said enemies out of all Spain and recovered the kingdom of Granada, gave their minds to establish religion, and to root out all the remnants of the wicked Mohammedan and Jewish sects. The charge hereof was committed to the Friars of Dominic's sect, who had wholly possessed the King's and the Queen's hearts and ears with a great estimation of holiness and wisdom: and therewith were also given them full authority in all things that might seem requisite to so great a matter. [...]

These [the Dominicans], either for that they had some fervent zeal of religion, or for that they cunningly cloaked their ambitious pride, partly with wonderful opinion of holiness, partly by the favour and power of Princes and men of great authority to whom they were joined in friendship, kinship and alliance, partly also by corrupt and secret devices, in short time advanced this their new raised empire to so great a height, that now they not only used dominion at their pleasure over the community, but also brought into subjection to the Holy Inquisition all the liberty of all the people, and estates of the realm. [...]

These devices, though to many men they seemed strange and intolerable, yet both because they were principally provided against the most hateful enemies of Spain and Christian Religion, namely the Moors, Mohammedans and Jews, and also for that they bleared most men's eyes with the pretence of God's service and opinion of holiness, and finally for that they not a little availed to the enriching of the King's treasury, now greatly wasted with many years, to whose use the one half of the goods of all persons condemned was employed, they were daily more and more established by the earnest favours, authority and power of the most part of the mightiest persons and especially of the King and Queen themselves, until the Aragonese, who are the principal province of Spain both in right of ancient liberty, in nobility and largeness of dominion, openly resisted. They, when they nothing prevailed with king Ferdinand by humble and lowly petition, attempted by force and arms to keep out this pestilence from their country, for that they plainly saw that their liberty which they had received most large and incredible from their ancestors, and hitherto kept inviolate, should by the means be destroyed, and that [they] themselves and all theirs should be made subject to the most dishonourable tyranny of the clergy. But they prevailed not. For after many troubles, much destruction and bloodshed they were compelled in spite of their wills and per force, as the residue of Spain did, to yield their necks to stoop under this yoke of Inquisition so that the same province, than which in time past there was none or more freedom, is now in such case as at this day there is none to be found in more servitude and subjection. By terror of which example, and by great opinion of holiness which the Inquisitors had gotten by the good success in the case, it came to pass that they subdued all Spain unto them without any further resistance.

But as the greedy desires of men are naturally unmeasurable and unsatiable, this lust of dominion could not long be contained within the bounds of Spain, though they be full large [...]. Therefore of long time they think that they may lawfully enforce upon us the Spanish laws and ordinances, Spanish manners and the Spanish yoke of inquisition, abrogating all our country laws, abolishing all memory of the German* name, destroying our privileges and oppresing our liberty.

I do not mind if we lost independence in 1714 or in 1469. Five centuries ago Aragonese people, Catalan people were already struggling for freedom. Three centuries ago, in 1701-1714, they were still struggling for freedom. The Dutch Revolt reminds us of the extraordinary difficulties we can expect and convinces us that the Catalan Revolution makes sense, regardless of how it will turn out.

* Martin van Gelderen explains the origin of this text and this reference to Germany. William of Orange "sought to consolidate his contacts with French Huguenot leaders and with German princes. One of the attempts to enlist German support was a petition [this text] presented on 26 October 1570 to the Reichstag at Speyer, the Libellus suplex Imperiatoriae Maiestati. The English translation, A Defence and true Declaration fo the things lately done in the lowe Countrey whereby may easily ben seen to whom all the beginning and cause of the late troubles and calamities is to be imputed --the first text in this volume-- was published in 1571 by the office of John Daye in London." (page xv). "The Defence offered both an account of the origins and causes of the troubles in the Netherlands and a defence of the Dutch exiles and their activities. It exerted that Europe was afflicted by a conspiration of 'certain idle men', who under the cloak of religion tried as inquisitors to usurp civil government." (page xvi).

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A nation that expects Europe not to let it down

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On November 7th, Artur Mas explained Catalan vision for independence in Friends of Europe, a Brussels not-for-profit think tank for European Union policy analysis and debate: “I do not expect the EU to do the work for us, but I do expect it to support and promote the value of democracy”. He asked the EU, in case the Spanish state “fully rejects the possibility of the Catalan people to be consulted on its future, to give support to the democratic will of the Catalan people”. This is a selection of his lecture:


Before I come to what will be the core of my speech, may I just put Catalonia into context for you. [...] The roots of the Catalan people have always been European; their European vocation has never ceased to exist at any time in history and is as alive and present now as it has ever been.

I am the president of a country with a deep democratic tradition, which by the eleventh century had already developed the “assemblies of peace and truce”, embryo of what is regarded as the first parliamentarianism. I am the president of an institution, the Generalitat de Catalunya, whose origins lie in the fourteenth century, and in spite of the fact that it was prohibited for three hundred years, I have the honour to be its 129th president. [...]

The Paris and Rome treaties, as well as that of Maastricht, and even that of Lisbon, have been surpassed by the current crisis and there is a need to think of a new Europe that will recover its cohesion and its executive capacity so as to present itself to the world as a politically strong, coherent group, and to its citizens as a guarantee of their security and well-being and as a defender of the individual who must feel he or she is properly represented in its institutions. [...]

Let us think of the early days. Let us recover the spirit of the founders. The project of Schuman and of the founding fathers mixed pragmatism in the method with the broadest ambition in its aims. If you closely re-read the declaration of 9 May 1950, whose topicality is still surprising, you will see that it contains the basis of a project whose ultimate aim is the creation of a federal structure that will group the States of Europe together. I have named this old ambition the United States of Europe. [...]

Today’s European citizen has the impression that decisions in Europe are taken in just a few chancelleries and capitals of the most powerful member states and not in the European institutions themselves. And that the only subjects of debate are currency, market and economy. [...]

We can talk of the need to build a United States of Europe, a United States that cannot be a copy of the USA on account of the significant importance of people’s own languages and culture, as well as their own histories. But this new, much more federal, European reality must be built on the basis of those nations which, having a clearly defined territory, history, language and culture, as is the case with Catalonia, have the will, as expressed democratically at the ballot box, to be their own player in the construction of this new Europe.

Our proposition is a clear one: to cede all the powers necessary to give real strength to the European Union while implementing policies that are closer to the people in fields such as health, education and social policy in those places where this can be done more efficiently and consistently. Just as the States can not act as a brake on the construction of the European project, neither can they act as a brake on the will of those nations without statehood that democratically and peacefully express their will to be one more player in this process of European construction.

To want one’s own state within the framework of the European Union is to be willing to cede sovereignty to the European institutions. Consequently, our process is much more than the recognition of our national identity within the framework of a united Europe, it is much more than a process to what some people call sovereignty, given that we are totally in favour of a Europe with federal structures where decisions do not require interminable negotiations and lengthy ratification procedures before coming into force. When I am asked in Catalonia if I want an independent State I reply that what I want for Catalonia is its own State that must, necessarily share interdependencies within a more united and stronger Europe. [...]

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We will be holding elections in Catalonia on 25 November. They are early elections that I have called after 1.5 million people demonstrated peacefully through the streets of Barcelona on 11 September last, and after the Spanish prime minister, Mr.Rajoy, slammed the door on the possibility of negotiating a Fiscal Pact which had been approved by an ample majority in the Catalan Parliament.

Our proposition is based on the essence of democracy, on the expression of democracy based on the right to decide. Catalonia must be able to decide democratically and peacefully what it wants its future to be within the framework of the European Union. During the course of the next four years this process will lead us, if so approved at the election, to consult the people of Catalonia about what they want their future to be.

Once the consultation process is endorsed by ballot it must be framed in the following terms:

• Scrupulously democratic. The entire process must be endorsed in its most significant aspects by the direct decision of the people of Catalonia.
• Absolutely peaceful. This process must show Europe and the world the way Catalans do things: with a positive spirit, the absence of violence and the willingness to reach agreements.
• Demonstrably transparent. The process must be clear and have a defined road map. Everyone must be sure about the situation facing them.
• With an ample majority. There must be an ample majority in Parliament on which to base the right to decide in order to start the consultation process. Having started the process this too must be endorsed by a sufficient majority, one that does not divide the country in two halves. I have always said that I would not want a majority of 50.5% against 49.5%.
• And finally, as I have already said, the Catalan process has a vocation to remain within the framework of the European Union and the euro. It would be senseless for a nation that forms part of the European Union and the euro, and that wants to continue forming part, should not be able to do so.

Catalonia has never in its history let Europe down, now we trust Europe will not let us down.

There are those who have wanted to question the viability of a future Catalan state on account of its size, despite the fact that Europe clearly demonstrates that on most occasions it is the small states that have greater ability to respond to the new challenges that arise.

I will provide you with some data that demonstrate the viability of a future Catalan state and that demonstrate also that in the south of Europe too there are realities that work and that can work.

• A future Catalan state would be in seventh position amongst European countries in terms of per capita GDP and, as it has been up to now, it would continue to be a net contributor to the Union. In terms of aggregate GDP we would be in thirteenth position.
• In terms of population and territory we are a small country. With 7.5 million inhabitants and 32,000 square kilometres we would be the sixteenth and twenty-third countries in the EU-27 respectively.
• With regard to openness to foreign trade Catalonia would occupy the thirteenth position, the European average.
• More significant data about Catalonia: 20% of the research funds assigned to the State of Spain come to Catalonia; 28% of total exports from the State of Spain leave from Catalonia; Catalonia receives 15 million foreign tourists, representing 25.5% of the tourists who visit Spain.
• With regard to foreign investment, Ernst & Young’s European Attractiveness Survey situates Barcelona, and by extension Catalonia, as the third most attractive area after London and Paris.

These are only some of the most basic data to demonstrate the viability of Catalonia having its own state. Please allow me to finish as I started. I am the 129th President of the Generalitat de Catalunya, the president of an ancient European nation with more than 1,000 years of history, a cradle of democracy and, as our renowned cellist Pau Casals said, with one of the oldest parliaments in the world. A nation that feels, and wants to continue to feel, European on account of its history, its traditions and its vocation. A nation that expects Europe not to let it down.

Thank you.

• "Destination Europe: the future of Catalonia in the European Union" (full text of the lecture; PDF: 8 pages)
• Two questions and two answers by Artur Mas

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The right to decide

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Francesc Homs, as spokesman of Catalan Government, explained today, for the first time, the path to independence after elections on November 25th. Catalan Parliament will take this path if independentism obtains a large majority. This is a selection of his lecture:


We have heard some voices --mainly in Madrid, but also some in Catalonia-- saying that the commitment undertaken by president Artur Mas and his party, Convergence and Union [Convergència i Unió or CiU in Catalan; a coalition between liberals and Christian democrats], is casual, tactical, like a kind of momentary itch that will soon disappear. [...On the contrary,] we are facing a very serious commitment. There will be no withdrawal. [...] Our proposal on the right to decide comes from many years ago, it is a reasoned proposal, it is based on our conscience. Nowadays its has a strong support from Catalan society (all surveys say the right to decide is accepted by 70-80% of the population).

Which are the foundations of the right to decide? There are three:

1. Catalonia is a nation. [...] The people of Catalonia see themselves as a nation, they want to be a nation. [...] Catalonia is a political subject, a subject of law. It is unquestionably a demos.
2. Democracy. [...] The right to decide can only take place in a democracy. How do you defend democracy while rejecting the right to decide? [...] Our legal framework [Spanish Constitution] should be in the service of democracy, not contrariwise. [...] Will the Spanish prime minister accept the will of the people of Catalonia? Yes or no?
3. The third element that underlies the right to decide is our own future. Why do we want to become independent? Why do we defend democracy? Well, to serve the people, to serve the social, economic and cultural demands of Catalan society. [...] We have a project, but we have no tools to build it.

How can we exercise our right to decide? [...] The Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice, in The Hague, of 22 July 2010, can be considered the first document that provides the basis for the definition of an internationally recognized right to decide. In this regard, the International Court of Justice states that the legitimacy of a process based on the exercise of the right to decide is based on the following principles:

1. Absence of violence, it is a peaceful process.
2. It must follow a democratic process.
3. Both parts have to try to reach an agreement.

We identify four rules that should guide this process (these four rules are inspired by the International Court of Justice in The Hague):

1. First rule: Democracy. On September 27th, the Catalan Parliament passed a Resolution by a large majority: "We state our need to decide freely and democratically our future and urge the government to hold a referendum, mainly within the next term of Parliament.". [...] We must find technical and legal formulae that make it possible and choose the best one. There are several. You could use Article 150.2 of the Spanish Constitution in order to transfer or delegate to the Catalan Government the ability to authorize a referendum. You could use a future Catalan law about referenda. [...] It is worth bearing in mind the doctrine of the Council of Europe (Spain is a member of CE): Recommendation 1704 (2005) Referendums: towards good practices in Europe includes several statements of special relevance. [...] The doctrine of Council of Europe states the intimate relationship between democracy, the right of political participation and referenda. [...] This relationship can also be connected with rights of an international nature, such as, in particular, article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and article 3 of the First Protocol of the European Convention of Human Rights. These two provisions were considered by the European Council in the referendum of Montenegro, as basic international principles on electoral right that had to be respected in that case.
2. Second rule: the right to decide should require large majorities. 51% of the votes cast is probably not enough in a process like this. [...] By the way, we want to change and we demand ourselves a large majority. Those who want to keep us inside Spain do no even appeal to democracy.
3. Third rule: the process has to develop peacefully and with full respect for coexistence. If these conditions fail, we should reconsider the process. However, I am absolutely convinced that this will not happen. The Catalan path to self determination is quiet and respectful. We do not want any confrontation nor breakage. This is the will of Catalans. In any case, despite the provocations that will emerge, we will not change this path, characterized by enthusiasm, hope and positive self-reliance.
4. Fourth rule: Europe. Catalonia is Europe. It has been Europe for many centuries. [...] We now want to start a new path to freedom and future. Refusing a successful project as the European Union would be nonsense.

These are four rules that define the way we stand for our right to decide. We are certain they are the best way to hold a free referendum. Naturally, there are some pending issues: the exact date of the consultation or its legal formula, [...] or the specific wording of the question (it must be debated by all supporters to hold the referendum).

If the people of Catalonia decides so on November 25th, the exercise of the right to decide and the path to our own state will have no way back. [...] This is a serious path, really, that comes from the enthusiastic willingness to be and to do, and to conquer the future, and at the same time it is the result of reason and deep reflection from many years ago.

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Catalan National Assembly's 3 points

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Yesterday, Catalan National Assembly, the political no-partisan movement that organized massive demonstration on September 11th, explained its position concerning elections on November 25th. It asked people to take the path of recuperating political independence, freedom, dignity, democracy and social justice by voting political parties who want Catalonia to become a new European state.

A proposal was sent to all political parties, with the exception of conservative unionist parties PP and Ciutadans. This proposal contains three points:


We ask every political party who will participate in next elections to subscribe three points in its program:

1) The sovereignty of Catalonia resides in the people of Catalonia. The people of Catalonia are the one who must be consulted in order to decide which kind of political relationship they want to establish with other people and other states of the world.

2) We are going to work, since the beginning of next legislative term, to achieve that Catalonia becomes a new state in Europe.

3) We will work together with all other political groups in the process of constitution of the new independent state to obtain the broader consensus and to become the State of all the Catalan people.

INDEPENDENCE IS FREEDOM,

CATALONIA, NEW STATE

Full text of the proposal, by Catalan National Assembly (in Catalan; PDF: 2 pages)

Catalan National Assembly's president, Carme Forcadell

Who is Carme Forcadell? "Despite her relatively low profile, this former city councillor was central both to organising the local plebiscites and, as president of the new assembly, in planning the September rally.  'Mas agreed with us that Catalans should decide whether we want our own state,' Ms Forcadell told the FT in her home city of Sabadell, near Barcelona. Mr Mas later made the promise of an official referendum, she says, because the rally turnout, which she estimated at over a million and a half, was so formidable. 'Our job now is to check that the next Catalan government delivers'." (Julius Purcell, "The town that started Catalan deluge". Financial Times, October 26 th).

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